![]() ![]() Hammond, “Yuppies,” The Public Opinion Quarterly 50 (1986): 497. ![]() ![]() Richard Chevat, “Gelato Was My Armageddon,” The New York Times, September 1, 1984, 23. Maureen Dowd, “Retreat of the Yuppies: The Tide Now Turns Amid ‘Guilt’ and ‘Denial,’” The New York Times, June 28, 1985, B1.īarry Keith Grant, “Rich and Strange: The Yuppie Horror Film,” Journal of Film and Video 48, nos. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.īarbara Ehrenreich, Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class (New York: Pantheon, 1989), 197. These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. Thus, the stereotyped yuppie we are familiar with today fails to consider how the aspirant middle class negotiated the terms of their self-definition. Some wholeheartedly embraced the corporate elitist ethic, while others struggled with the cynicism suggested by such an outlook. However, the yuppie label was soon contested by its members, particularly the association made between the yuppie’s seemingly frivolous lifestyle and the amoral “greed is good” point of view that fueled it. Politicians and businesses alike courted yuppies and, in return, they transformed aspects of society that catered to their power-driven aesthetic-a taste for expensive cars, living in condominiums, and imported salad dressings. After its introduction in 1984, the yuppie rapidly ascended as a significant demographic and political category, and was identified by pundits as an especially important target of the American political scene during the 1984 election season. In this chapter, I examine the most independent and selfishly suggestive of the eighties objects of knowledge-the yuppie. ![]()
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